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Why does US rev up China threat?
By Michael T. Klare (The Nation)
Updated: 2005-10-08 15:38 This would not be such a worrisome prospect if global petroleum output can
expand sufficiently between now and 2020 to satisfy increased demand from both
China and the United States — and in fact, the DOE predicts that sufficient oil
will be available at that time. But many energy experts believe world oil
output, now hovering at about 84 million barrels per day, is nearing its maximum
or "peak" sustainable level, and will never reach the 111 million barrels
projected by the DOE for 2020. If this proves to be the case, or even if output
continues to rise but still falls significantly short of the DOE projection, the
competition between the United States and China for whatever oil remains in ever
diminishing foreign reservoirs will become even more fierce and contentious.
The intensifying U.S.-Chinese struggle for oil is seen, for instance, in
China's aggressive pursuit of supplies in such countries as Angola, Canada,
Indonesia, Iran, Kazakhstan, Nigeria, Saudi Arabia, Sudan and Venezuela. Until
recently China derived very little of its petroleum from these countries; now it
has struck deals with all of them for new supplies. That China is competing so
vigorously with the United States for access to foreign oil is worrisome enough
to American business leaders and government officials, given the likelihood that
this will result in higher energy costs and a slowing economy; the fact that it
is seeking to siphon off oil from places like Canada, Nigeria, Saudi Arabia and
Venezuela — which have long sent a large share of their supplies to America — is
the source of even greater concern, particularly if it results in a permanent
shift in the global flow of oil. From a strategic perspective, moreover, U.S.
officials worry that China's efforts to acquire more oil from Iran and Sudan
have been accompanied by deliveries of arms and military aid, thus altering the
balance of power in areas considered vital to Washington's security interests.
Initially, discussion of China's intensifying quest for foreign oil was
largely confined to the business press, but now, for the first time, it is being
viewed as a national security matter — that is, as a key factor in shaping U.S.
military policy. This outlook was first given official expression in the 2005
edition of the Pentagon's report on Chinese military power. "China became the
second largest consumer and third largest importer of oil in 2003," the report
notes. "As China's energy and resource needs grow, Beijing has concluded that
access to these resources requires special economic or foreign policy
relationships in the Middle East, Africa, and Latin America, bringing China
closer to problem countries such as Iran, Sudan, and Venezuela." Again, the
implications of this are obvious: China's growing ties to "problem states"
constitute a threat to U.S. security and so must be met with countermoves of one
sort or another.
Two trends have thus joined to propel this new swing of the pendulum: a drive
to refocus attention on the long-term challenge posed by China and fresh concern
over China's pursuit of oil supplies in strategic areas of the globe. So long as
these two conditions prevail — and there is no repeat of 9/11 — the calls for
increased U.S. military preparation for an eventual war with China will grow
stronger. The fact that Bush has seen his job-approval rating plummet in the
wake of Hurricane Katrina might also tempt the Administration to play up the
China threat. While none of this is likely to produce a true rupture in
U.S.-Chinese relations — the forces favoring economic cooperation are too strong
to allow that — we can expect vigorous calls for an ambitious U.S. campaign to
neutralize China's recent military initiatives.
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